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 Post subject: Re: The Crusade continues - illegal immigration
PostPosted: Fri May 11, 2018 6:18 pm 
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jack t ripper wrote:
Think about how crazy that is...leave the undeniable shithole of Bangladesh and pay a smuggler $27K to fly you over 28 other muslim shithole contries, get you into South America and then cross at least 6 more international borders in route to the US and then sneak across the Rio Grande...all of that when the President hates muslims and is going to build muslim concentration camps and all of his voters are racists and islamophobes AND you cross the border into fucking TEXAS where they shoot muslims at fucking art shows...ALL OF THAT CRAP...just to work illegally or get free shit from the taxpayers.


Meanwhile, according to Pew Research, Bangladeshi population in the US is up 400% in the last 15 years.

http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/fact-she ... n-the-u-s/


:lol:

The Lamestream Media's constant bullshit propaganda regarding all the rampant Nazi racists in the US doesn't seem to convince many people in foreign shitholes. :lol:

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 Post subject: Re: The Crusade continues - illegal immigration
PostPosted: Sun May 13, 2018 4:55 pm 
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Not something that would surprise any of us, as it's simple supply & demand logic, but I regularly see Leftards attempt to convince people that immigration doesn't affect the job market.

Despite tip-toeing with the obvious outcome (thanks political correctness!), this article mentions the regular loss of available jobs in the market after immigrant waves. It also points out the constant stagnation of low-skill job availability after immigration became a big steady stream in the mid '90s.

Study: Immigrant Waves Cut Job Openings
New research contributes to on-going debate on immigration’s labor market impact
May 11, 2018

Bursts of immigration can cut the number of job opportunities available to previous residents, a recently released paper argues.

Paper authors Jason Anastasopoulos, George Borjas, Gavin Cook, and Michael Lachanski take advantage of a commonly used index of job openings to track the way in which several bursts of immigration from Cuba affected employment in the city of Miami. They find across three waves of immigration that job openings declined for several years following each wave, indicating that the arriving migrants are filling jobs previously available to native-born individuals.

"Our evidence consistently indicates that immigration-induced supply shocks are typically followed by a short-run period of slackness in the local labor market, as measured by the number of advertised job openings. The labor market, however, tends to recover after a few years," they conclude.

They further find that the jobs being advertised and subsequently filled tend towards the lower end of the skills spectrum. This is a byproduct of the low-skilled or skilled-discounted status of the immigrants who arrived from Cuba in the analyzed timed periods.

These findings may not seem surprising to the average reader, but in fact contribute to an ongoing academic controversy over whether or not low-skilled immigration has any impact on wages or employment. Indeed, the choice to analyze Miami is no accident, as the immigrant-filled metropolis has been at the center of the immigration debate for almost 30 years.

The story starts with the so-called Mariel Boatlift. Between May and October of 1980, 125,000 Cuban immigrants fled the Castro regime, departing Cuba’s Mariel harbor to the United States. There, they settled in the port city of Miami.

The boatlift, which increased Miami's labor force by approximately eight percent, also made for what economists call a "natural experiment." The sudden increase in the immigrant population (a "supply shock") allowed researchers to study the way immigration affects labor market conditions.

In 1990, Princeton economist David Card published a study that did just that. Conventional wisdom would argue that an increase in the supply of low-skilled labor should lower its cost, i.e. the wages of low-skilled workers. But this, Card suggested, was not the case. Rather, "the Mariel influx appears to have had virtually no effect on the wages or unemployment rates of less-skilled workers, even among Cubans who had immigrated earlier."

Card's work has been hugely influential in the debate over immigration's labor market impact, cited by more than 1,500 of Card's peers. Proponents of more immigration routine point to the study as evidence that fears of immigrants depressing wages and taking jobs are overblown.

The Mariel boatlift study has also attracted criticism, primarily from George Borjas, America's most-credentialed immigration skeptic and a co-author on the new study. Borjas concluded in his own analysis that while general wage levels held steady, the boatlift reduced the wages of high-school dropouts specifically by between 10 and 30 percent. (Borjas's approach has since received criticism.)

This back-and-forth, the new paper's authors argue, misses the point, insofar as the wage impact of the boatlift depends on which subpopulation is analyzed.

"By the time this debate runs its course, the presumed impact of Mariel will depend on the reader's [emphasis original] choice of which of the studies best represents the true wage trend in Miami, and there will be a menu of choices for that reader to pick from. This menu will allow some to argue that Mariel had a substantial impact on wages while simultaneously allowing others to argue that Mariel had no impact," they write.

Instead, Anastasopoulos et. al. turn to a different measure: the number of job vacancies in Miami pre- and post-Mariel, as compared against other cities. They capture this statistic using the Conference Board’s Help-Wanted Index (HWI), a compilation of the number of help-wanted ads in 51 metropolitan areas' major newspapers between 1951 and 2010. According to Anastasopoulos et. al., the HWI has never before been used to analyze immigration's impact on labor market, in spite of the index's wide use in economic research generally.

The HWI does not allow the paper's authors to measure wage levels, but it has been established as robustly related to employment rates—and, they argue, is an even better proxy for the low-education employment rate. That means measuring the fluctuations of the HWI in relation to labor supply shocks gives a good sense of how influxes of immigrant labor affect the overall supply of jobs, especially of low-skilled jobs.

The paper looks at fluctuations in the HWI for three different immigrant waves: the Mariel boatlift, as well as the wave of Cuban refugees fleeing to the United States following the establishment of the Castro regime, and another wave of refugees in 1995. The changes in the HWI in Miami are compared to a "synthetic" control group based on the other 50 cities in the HWI, in order to give a sense of how much Miami's HWI varied from the norm when a wave of immigrants arrived.

The results are striking. The HWI fell about 25 percent compared to the control in the two years following Mariel; by 1985, it had fallen 40 percent. For the 1960s drop, the HWI had fallen 27 percent compared to the control as of 1963. The mid-90s supply shock, finally, cut the HWI by 15 to 20 percent compared to the control.

The HWI eventually returned to pre-wave levels in the 1960s and 1980s, although it did not for the 1995 wave. Anastasopoulos et. al. attribute this either to "a steady (and increasing) flow of Cuban immigrants after the 1994-1995 shock" or to the transition from paper to digital help-wanted ads.

The authors generalize their findings across the other cities captured by the HWI (although the available immigration data for many of those cities is mixed at best). Their findings hold in those cities, too, as they find a negative, cross-city correlation between the HWI and the number of immigrants entering a local labor market.

What implications does all of this have for immigration policy? The answer remains unclear. That immigrants are filling jobs previously available to natives does not mean, necessarily, that immigration depresses wages or "steals jobs," so to speak.

However, Anastasopoulos et. al.’s work does at least contribute to an ongoing, and important, debate. If their analysis is correct, immigration shocks do have a measurable impact on employment, calling into question the idea that immigration can increase the supply of jobs or will have no impact on native workers' access to the labor market.

http://freebeacon.com/issues/study-immi ... -openings/

study link:
http://www.nber.org/papers/w24580

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 Post subject: Re: The Crusade continues - illegal immigration
PostPosted: Tue May 15, 2018 8:58 am 
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Racists spouting out their anti-immigration views in regards to CA SB Sanctuary State law:


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 Post subject: Re: The Crusade continues - illegal immigration
PostPosted: Tue May 15, 2018 9:18 am 
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If 125,000 Cubans suddenly descend on Miami they can't all possibly buy a food truck and sell ham sandwiches to each other. There HAD to be some impact on the job market. Anyone claiming no impact has an obvious agenda and should set off the bullshit-o-meter. No immediate impact on English-fluent, experienced, unionized heavy equipment operators...I buy that. CPA's..sure. But what about burger flippers?

I'd wager there were a lot of pissed off illegal Haitians and Mexicans. :lol:

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 Post subject: Re: The Crusade continues - illegal immigration
PostPosted: Tue May 15, 2018 9:23 am 
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One time I was flying to the Bahamas and had to switch planes in Miami. I thought the pilot got lost. Millions of people in the airport and nobody spoke English...dashikis...veils...human beings of every color in the Crayola 64 pack...lots of Burnt Sienna..even the signs weren't in English. Finally I ran across a Famous Amos store...whew!

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 Post subject: Re: The Crusade continues - illegal immigration
PostPosted: Tue May 15, 2018 12:54 pm 
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If she would've done it in CA, it would've been just fine. :roll:

Mexican woman charged with voter fraud, accused of illegally voting in 2016 election

A Mexican woman has been charged in Texas with voter fraud after prosecutors said she illegally voted in the 2016 presidential election.

Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton said his office will prosecute Laura Janeth Garza, a 37-year-old Mexican national who lives in Houston, after a grand jury indicted her May 10 on charges of voter impersonation and ineligible voting.

Both charges are second-degree felonies. If convicted, Garza faces two to 20 years in prison and a $10,000 fine, according to Fox 4 News in Dallas-Ft. Worth.

“This case demonstrates my office’s commitment to protecting the integrity of elections,” Paxton said in a statement. “We will continue to do everything in our power to safeguard the electoral process in Texas.”

According to the attorney general’s office, Garza is accused of voting illegally in Harris County in November 2016, as well as in elections in 2004 and 2012.

Paxton said a joint investigation with the Texas Department of Public Safety determined that Garza obtained documents to steal the identity of a U.S. citizen and illegally register to vote.

Law enforcement became aware of Garza after a U.S. citizen attempted to obtain a passport, but discovered Garza had already done so using her identity, Paxton said. The State Department referred Garza’s case to Texas Department of Public Safety, which then handed it over to Paxton’s office for prosecution.

President Trump has long claimed widespread voting fraud took place in the 2016 election, an assertion that has not been substantiated.

"It's not a conspiracy theory, folks," Trump said at an event in West Virginia last month, claiming millions voted illegally in 2016.

http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2018/05 ... ction.html

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